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Activism Drives Tech Adoption in Thailand

"Thailand’s Red Shirts offer an example of digital immigrants that parallels the rise of other political groups in the region. In July 2009, laborers, and motorcycle taxi drivers who had never previously use computers, subscribed to twitter in order to vote for Thaksin Shinawatra in the “Twitter Wall of Fame” competition."

2.505
Average: 2.5 (2 votes)
 

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Citizen Oversight of Government Spending via Mobile Phones and Social Media in Indonesia

"In Kupang, a city in West Timor, Indonesia, a civil group cooperates with a local newspaper and women in the villages to monitor budget spending in each village and also give feedback on local government policies, using mobile SMS and Facebook. Public policy is summarized and posted on printed newspaper, and people give feedback via SMS or Facebook. Selected comments are published in the printed newspaper."

Implications:

1.02
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HackerSpaces, Digital Communities on the Rise in Southeast Asia, Bring Innovation and Political Change

Digital communities have been highly influential in Southeast Asia. Real world spaces for digital communities, such as hackerspaces (a location where people with common interests, usually in computers, technology, science or digital or electronic art can meet, socialise and/or collaborate), blogger conferences and BarCamps (is an international network of user-generated conferences) "further fix that social space into a physical place, and act as a guild or local hub connected to a global network of like-minded digital citizens."

2.01
Average: 2 (1 vote)
 

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Social Media, Mobility of Labor Connects Diasporas and Ethnic/Political Minorities

Though it does not go into much detail, Noviscape article does list specific groups that have benefited from this increased connectivity and media access:

"With today’s mobility of labor, instant global communications, and pervasive access to simple, powerful and secure social networking media, we have witnessed how technology has ended the isolation of Burmese, Hmong, Nepalese, and Chinese political activists scattered throughout the world. Now they are all connected, and from the perspective of any repressive regime— dangerously so.

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Bottom-up surveillance on Kenya's Parliament

SID writes,

3
Average: 3 (2 votes)
 

Sources:

The Society for International Development, May 2010, page 4: http://newsletters.clearsignals.org/SIF_May2010.pdf#page=4


http://www.mzalendo.com/

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Digital Politics also a tool of politicians and government actors

Digital technologies have helped radically change citizen participation in political processes, served as a platform for guerilla politics, but it’s worth noting that traditional political structures have also adopted them. Citizen v government isn’t the only source of digital-political struggle, and we should see increased use of ICT in familiar political arenas.

Poomjit Sirawongprasert writes,

1.68
Average: 1.7 (3 votes)
 

Sources:

Noviscape, Sept 2010, page 10,11: http://newsletters.clearsignals.org/Noviscape_Sept2010#page=10

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The future of digital politics in Southeast Asia

In Southeast Asia, politics have gone digital, and digital technologies have been politicized. The next decade will be one of digital politics, and Dr. Pun-Arj Chairatana outlines some of the main factors involved.

He says,

3
Average: 3 (1 vote)
 

Sources:

Noviscape, Sept 2010, page 3 - 5: http://newsletters.clearsignals.org/Noviscape_Sept2010.pdf

Abbott, J. P. (2004) The Political Economy of the Internet in
Asia and the Pacific Digital Divides, Economic Competitiveness,
and Security Challenges. New York: Praeger.

Atkinson, R. D. and Ham, S. (2003) Does Digital Politics Still
Matter? In The New Atlantis, Fall 2003.

Boonruang, S. (2010) New media to continue growing in importance:
Piracy, censorship remain user concerns, in Bangkok
Post, 31 January 2010.

Levy, S. (2001), Crypto: How the Code Rebels Beat the Government
-- Saving Privacy in the Digital Age, Penguin 2001,

Shearer, J. and Gutmann, P. (1996) Government, Cryptography,
and the Right To Privacy, the Journal of Universal Computer
Science (J.UCS), Volume 2, No.3, p.113

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/technology/7914828.stm

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Internet Penetration lays the groundwork for digital politics in Southeast Asia

Internet penetration and mobile phone use is rising in Southeast Asia, opening up new realms of communication, sharing, expression, and in particular, politics.

Professor Ubonrat Siriyubanasak writes,

“The New Millennium has brought Southeast Asian society a step closer to a digital revolution triggered by the proliferation of information and communication technologies (ICTs). Internet penetration is growing fast across the region- in Thailand, penetration jumped from 20.5% (13.4 million users) in 2007 to 25% (16.1 million users) in 2008 (NECTEC 2008, 2009).”

3
Average: 3 (1 vote)
 

Sources:

Noviscape, Sept 2010, page 3, 6, 10: http://newsletters.clearsignals.org/Noviscape_Sept2010.pdf#page=3

NECTEC (2008) Internet User Profile of Thailand 2008, Bangkok.

NECTEC (2009) Internet User Profile of Thailand 2009, Bangkok.

Growth Rate of Mobile Phone Usage in Malaysia, Koh Yun
Sing and Ow Siew Hock, http://eprints.um.edu.my/790/1/115-
118_%287-29%29.pdf
‘.my’ Malaysia, Musa Abu Hassan and Siti Zobidah Omar,

Digital Review of Asia Pacific 2009–2010, http://www.digitalreview.
org/uploads/files/pdf/2009-2010/chap-29_malaysia.pdf

Malaysia Internet Usage Stats and Marketing Report, as of
June 2009, http://www.internetworldstats.com/asia/my.htm

Digital Review of Asia Pacific 2009–2010 ‘.th’ Thailand, http://
www.digital-review.org/uploads/files/pdf/2009-2010/chap-
40_thailand.pdf

Digital Review of Asia Pacific 2009–2010 ‘.ph’ Philippines,
http://www.digital-review.org/uploads/files/pdf/2009-2010/
chap-36_philippines.pdf

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Censorship strategies exacerbate political polarization

Digital politics has been instrumental in opening political debate to new groups and creating space for more diverse views and perspectives; however, it’s also helping polarize political discourse, especially when heavy censorship strategies prevent meaningful political debate. For example, in Thailand, Shinawatra’s strategy of media control and intimidation helped fracture media messaging into ‘pro-Thaksin’ and ‘anti-Thaksin’ camps, which led to a kind of media-messaging land-grab in subsequent political activity.

Prof Ubonrat Siriyuvasak writes,

3
Average: 3 (1 vote)
 

Sources:

Noviscape, Sept 2010, page 7, 8: http://newsletters.clearsignals.org/Noviscape_Sept2010#=page7

Asia Media Report: A Crisis Within. Bangkok: Inter-Press Service
Asia-Pacific.

Campaign for Popular Media Reform (2010) Seminar on “Banning
community radio under the Emergency Decree”, 14 July 2010.

Kularb, P. (2007) “Communicating to the mass on cyberspace:
Freedom of expression and content regulation on the Internet”
in Chavarong Limpattamapanee and Srnaud Leveau (eds)
State and Media in Thailand During Political Transition, Bangkok:
IRASEC.

McCargo, D. (2009) “Thai politics as reality TV”, Journal of
Asian Studies. 68:1, February 2009, pp. 7–19.

Mukdawijitra, Y. (2010) Seminar on “Change in rural areas,
change in political constituents”, Journalist Association of
Thailand, 18 July 2010.

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New government strategies to control internet expression in Thailand

After the ousting of Thaksin Shinawatra in 2006, the post-coup government in Thialand has moved to restrict the media channels that helped legitimize it.

Prof Ubonrat Siriyuvasak writes,

2.505
Average: 2.5 (2 votes)
 

Sources:

Noviscape, Sept 2010, page 7, 8: http://newsletters.clearsignals.org/Noviscape_Sept2010#page=7

Asia Media Report: A Crisis Within. Bangkok: Inter-Press Service
Asia-Pacific.

Campaign for Popular Media Reform (2010) Seminar on “Banning
community radio under the Emergency Decree”, 14 July 2010.

Kularb, P. (2007) “Communicating to the mass on cyberspace:
Freedom of expression and content regulation on the Internet”
in Chavarong Limpattamapanee and Srnaud Leveau (eds)
State and Media in Thailand During Political Transition, Bangkok:
IRASEC.

McCargo, D. (2009) “Thai politics as reality TV”, Journal of
Asian Studies. 68:1, February 2009, pp. 7–19.
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